|
Home
In Memoriam
From the Editor
John Kitchen and Ralph Monaco: Real-Time Forecasting in Practice
Jonathan McCarthy: Capital Overhangs
Henry Townsend: The Expected Rate of Return for Equities
Rolando F. Peláez: A Reassessment of the Purchasing Managers’ Index
Timotej Jagric: Forecasting
with Leading Economic Indicators—A
Neural Network Approach
A. Gary Shilling: Pension Profits Become Corporate Costs
Jack Kyser: The Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation
Leslie G. Polgar: Flat Panel Displays
Robert P. Parker: December Will Bring Major Changes to the U.S. National Income
and Product Accounts
Book Reviews
|
Charles P. Kindleberger
1912-2003
Another of the great economists of the post-World
War II era left us when Charles P. Kindleberger
died on July 7th at the age of 92. He was the
recipient of NABE’s Adam Smith Award in 1983 and
addressed NABE with the question: “Was Adam Smith a
Monetarist or a Keynesian?” He began his long career as
an economic historian with some very practical experience.
He worked at the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York during the Depression, was part of the Office of
Strategic Services during the War itself and “played a significant
role in the formation of the Marshall Plan for
European Recovery.” (The Financial Times, July 11,
2003.) Joining MIT in 1948, he enlightened generations
of students in the intricacies of international trade and
finance. Along the way, he wrote 30 books, including my
graduate school textbook, International Economics
(1953); an important work on financial crises, Manias,
Panics and Crashes: A History of Financial Crises (1978,
revised 1989); and the thought-provoking World
Economic Primacy 1500-1990 (1996). His work seems
particularly relevant today. As an historian, he reminds us
that markets can become irrational and are not necessarily
self-correcting. Further, his practical experience during
a time of great economic stress made him an eloquent
exponent of the idea that there are times when government
has to play a leading role in solving economic problems.
Moreover, his observation that governments can learn
from their mistakes is heartening, especially since the
pendulum seems to be swinging toward more government
involvement in the U.S. economy.
Refreshingly non-mathematical, his arguments are
easily understood by a wide audience. As Daniel Altman
put it in his article (The New York Times, July 9, 2003),
Kindleberger was drawn to economics by curiosity, by the
question of “how does the economy work and what has
gone wrong.” This approach naturally leads to history and
an open mind. I remember him for his kindness when I
was applying to MIT for graduate work in economics in
1957. With some trepidation, I said that, as a physics
major, I had taken only two semesters of economics. With
a smile he said, “that’s all right, you won’t have to unlearn
anything.”
Manias, Panics and Crashes has become a classic for
its common sense description of how bubbles develop and
end. It is especially relevant in the aftermath of the dotcom experience.
According to Kindleberger, each financial
cycle begins with some “displacement” that alters the
economic outlook—such as a sharp rise or fall in the price
of oil. Investors and firms respond to the new opportunities
for profit or loss. Bank credit expands to finance the
new investments. Psychology pushes more and more people
into the game. As Kindelberger puts it, “There is
nothing so disturbing to one’s well-being and judgment as
to see a friend get rich.” (Manias, p.19). The speculative
boom continues until, at some point, the wise or lucky
ones begin to withdraw from the market. Prices stabilize
and more speculators decide that it is time to sell. Prices
plunge and panic ensues. Unless checked by the intervention
of a “lender of last resort,” the financial crisis can
easily have a severe impact on the real economy.
Kindleberger clearly believes that markets can
become irrational at times and that intervention by government
is sometimes necessary. As he says, “the implementation
of the Marshall Plan after World War II, instead
of the tangle of war debts and reparations after World War
I, suggests that governments can, on occasion, learn.”
(Manias, p.248) Also, on the issue of rationality, I particularly
like his quotation from Isaac Newton: “I can calculate
the motions of the heavenly bodies but not the madness
of crowds.” (Manias, p.38) During the South Sea
bubble, Newton sold early at a profit but then re-entered
the game and ended up losing a serious amount of money.
Since financial crises tend to spread from one country
to another (e.g. the October 19, 1987 stock market crash
and the Asian financial crisis), the question arises as to
who or what is to be the lender of last resort in international
markets. In Kindleberger’s view, this is the responsibility
of the world economic leader. In the 19th century,
Britain was the primary economic power; and, in the
immediate post-World War II era, the United States was
the unquestioned leader. In the 1930s, Britain was no
longer able and the United States was not yet prepared to
assume this role. Hence the financial crisis of the 1930s
was deeper and more protracted than earlier crises.
Concern with the importance of economic leadership
led him naturally to study the rise and fall of economic
leaders from the Italian city-states in the 1500s to the
United States after 1945. He perceived that there was a
national life cycle in each case. The classic illustration of
this concept is Britain: “great vitality gradually evolving
into rigidity and resistance to change.” (World Economic
Primacy, p.148) This led to relative decline, as other
countries—France, Germany and the United States—caught up. Kindleberger, writing
in 1996, was clearly worried
that the United States was following Britain’s example.
Rising current account deficits, poor productivity growth
and a weak dollar were, to him, all signs of decline. It
would be interesting to know if the events of the years
since then might have allayed his worries. Increased
immigration—both legal and illegal—has helped to revitalize
many American cities. Stronger productivity growth
offers the potential for rising real wages and low inflation.
Finally, the U.S. dollar—which is the most visible symbol
of our economic primacy—has proved more resilient than
many expected, even if this is due to our creditors buying
U.S. Treasuries in massive quantities so that we will continue
buying their goods.
Kindleberger concludes his book on world economic
primacy by predicting that the world will muddle along
without an explicit challenge to U.S. economic leadership,
since such potential challengers as Germany and Japan
have serious problems of their own.
“In sum, muddle is indicated. In due course a
country will emerge from the muddle for a
time as the primary world economic power.
The United States again? Japan? Germany?
The European Community as a whole?
Perhaps a dark horse like Australia, Brazil or
China? Who knows? Not I.” (p. 238).
Thomas W. Synnott, III
Chief Economist, Emeritus
U.S. Trust
|