Book Reviews

The Passionate Economist

 

 

 

By Diane Swonk. 2003. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Pp 270. $24.95, hardcover.

The economist and rhetorician D. N. McCloskey said that one of the tests of economic history is whether it generates better economists, not just better economic facts. The Passionate Economist by Diane Swonk has the stuff to generate better economists. She provides that by combining economic history with personal history. The sweep of economic history here is short—Swonk is barely over forty—but the story makes up in brio what it lacks in length.

Diane Swonk is the Chief Economist at Bank One in Chicago, the successor bank to First Chicago, at which she began her career as an economist in the mid-1980s. In this role, Swonk operates as a skilled interpreter of fast-breaking economic information and analyzer of economic developments and the monetarypolicy reactions thereto. She appears regularly in print, and on television, radio and web-cast economic programs. She’s an impresario of the economic scene—and a serious one. The book confirms that important among the requirements for vivid interpretation of economic developments is the conviction that lives are shaped by them. In addition, Swonk demonstrates that hard work, expert knowledge of economic data, facility with economic modeling, focus on the bank’s bottom line, development of a network of sources of information— especially among clients—and polished public-speaking skills are also requirements. Those are what generate better business economists.

The book chronicles the economic scene nationally, with special attention to the Midwest, from the lackluster mid-1980s through the boom of the late 1990s to the present period of speculation about when growth will regain the traction lost during the slowdown of 2001. Swonk includes parallel personal stories: growing up in Detroit in the 1960s and 1970s; surviving corporate downsizing in the late 1980s and early 1990s; participating in the movement of corporate forecasting into more valuable risk management in the 1990s; witnessing the devastation of the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in 2001; and experiencing a family financial setback in the aftermath. They turn out to be the real stuff of the economic chronicle.

In addition, Swonk discusses economic fundamentals that persist in the “new” as well as the “old” economy, points out important ongoing economic structural changes, and recapitulates her innovative work in the leadership of NABE, and as its President—particularly her strenuous and highly effective drive to bring more attention and resources to Federal government economic statistical work. There’s much of interest here for fellow economists, not least of which is Swonk’s enthusiasm— okay, even passion—for the profession.

 

 

Review by Rosemary D. Marcuss, Washington, DC

         
   

The New Financial Order: Risk in the 21st Century

By Robert J. Shiller. 2003. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press. Pp. 382. $29.95 cloth.

   

 

Order this book from the NABE Bookstore at Amazon.com

 

 


The heart of The New Financial Order by Robert Shiller, Professor of Economics at Yale University, is a conviction that: “ … w o r s e n i n g conditions can develop even as technological advances mark greater levels of economic achievement. But new risk management ideas can enable us to manage a vast array of risks—those present and future, near and far—and to limit the downside effects of capitalism’s ‘creative destruction’…. this new infrastructure would utilize financial inventions that protect people against systemic risks: from job loss because of changing technologies to threats to home and community because of changing economic conditions” (p. ix).

Professor Shiller picks “six fundamental ideas” that the new financial order will use to “protect people against systemic risks.” Three private sector ideas include insurance for livelihoods and home values, macro” securities and markets to hedge incomes and real estate, and income-linked loans to hedge bankruptcy. Three public sector ideas include income inequality insurance, intergenerational social security, and hedges against unexpected changes in “per capita GDP or its analogues” (p. 177). Overall, the “book presents ideas for a new financial order, a new financial capitalism, and new economic infrastructure, and further describes how such ideas can realistically be developed and implemented” (p. 2).

For example, young people considering careers they really love may think twice if they fear salaries might decline. They could buy livelihood insurance just like life or car insurance that would compensate them if their preferred career income dropped. Expecting, say, a $80,000 salary they would purchase an insurance policy with a floor salary of perhaps $40,000 for a fixed period of time. Insurers would diversify these risks, develop procedures to minimize moral hazard, and hedge downside systematic risk by buying “down” macro securities in livelihood macro markets.

A “down macro security” is one of the pair of securities Shiller proposes that would allow ordinary people to hedge individual risks that include reductions in their incomes or home values, companies to hedge business risks, and governments to hedge macroeconomic risks. Buying “up macro securities” can be an investment in or a hedge against price increases in the same trading units.

For individuals the “down” security is an alternative to livelihood insurance with different performance characteristics. They buy and hold the “down” security to protect against decreases in their profession incomes. Later, if their incomes fall, they are compensated to some extent by an increase in the value of the down security that is based on a decline in aggregate indices of their specific professional incomes. When the income losses occur, compensation is automatically deposited to their macro security accounts that work just like their employers’ electronic payroll deposits to their bank accounts. The fungible, dividend-paying “down” security functions like a short futures position or a long put with an over-funded margin account that obviates margin calls.

Similarly, families, fearing current prices for their homes might fall for reasons beyond their control, could purchase home equity insurance. If an index of local housing prices for comparable homes fell, home equity insurers automatically would partially compensate them with deposits to their down security accounts. Those companies, like livelihood insurers, could hedge their systematic risk in real estate macro markets with down securities.

Finally, governments should develop international risk sharing contracts among themselves to hedge adverse changes in GDP per capita or related measures of national economic performance. If one country has an unexpectedly lower GDP per capita, the other countries pay it an amount specified in the contract to offset its loss. Think of it as an organized insurance market or macro market for foreign or emergency aid. A similar pension idea was proposed in “International Pension Swaps” by Zvi Bodie and Robert Merton, published in March 2002 in the Journal of Pension Economics and Finance. They claimed that “By diversifying across world markets, there is significant improvement in the efficient frontier of risk versus expected return” (p. 78).

The New Financial Order is a great read that has a less technical but broader vision than Professor Shiller’s 1993 Macro Markets. He successfully describes issues in designing the new financial order for non-technical readers unfamiliar with macro markets and risk management practices, but he also suggests research topics for the further study of macroeconomic risk management and the design of standards- of-living financial instruments for specialists. I eagerly look forward to his next book and research papers. However, I respectfully suggest to readers that his design of macro securities and markets and choice of six fundamental ideas raise some questions.

First, he believes macro markets must include “a mechanism whereby anyone who wants to supply these securities can,” not just the “government or the few large entities,” and must “offer a simple and user-friendly way of managing large risks” (pp. 126 &128). To supply these securities, investors must buy a complete set of “up” and “down” securities that, respectively, serve as long and short hedges. Since most individual investors only want downside protection for, say, home values and incomes, they can buy the complete set, keep the “down” security, and sell the “up” security, which adds to the work and expense of establishing the hedge. In the event there are no local markets for “up” securities, Shiller bundles them from each city for distribution as a single, global security for all cities (U.S. Patent 5,987,435, p.13, www.uspto.gov). However, this explanation is vague because the bundled market also may be incomplete. The worst case is individuals who just want a “down” security get stuck paying for the “up” security that increases the total cost of the “down” security.

Alternatively, individual investors will just buy and hold the “down” security. They will balance attractive features such as dividends and user-friendly buy and hold procedures against less attractive features such as potential difficulties of selling-off “up” securities in illiquid markets and the opportunity cost of high balances in margin accounts with no margin calls, discussed next.

Investors could buy “down” securities that “will not be subject to any margin calls and have no need to buy or sell securities through time. Thus, macro securities offer a simple and user-friendly way of managing large risks” (p. 128). Readers should understand that the securities are “designed to have a high initial margin that allows “for a reasonably well-functioning hedging vehicle without margin calls” (U.S. Patent 5,987,435, p. 9). There are no margin calls because the formula to adjust the “up” (“down”) share price when the “down” (“up”) share price changes requires excess capital in margin accounts above Federal Reserve margin call levels. A welcome follow-up publication would be a comparative analysis of the expected transaction costs of buying, selling, and holding macro securities and other derivatives.

Ironically, macro securities are not necessary to establish the new financial order. What’s truly important about them is that they allow long-term hedging, which can also be accomplished by developing long-dated derivatives instruments for forty to fifty years into the future using current derivatives instruments and techniques. Hedgers will use macro securities and/or longdated derivatives just as exchangetraded and/or over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives are used now— based on convenience, affordability, and other hedger needs. Hedgers will decide between macro securities and long-dated derivatives in some instances just as car owners decide between Fords and Chevrolets.

Second, why these six fundamental ideas? Many other large risks could have been selected. Professor Shiller says: “Despite all of our research, we will never know for sure how to design risk management devices on abstract principles alone. No one has a theoretical model of risks and of moral hazard that is so well defined that we can know how to build devices to work perfectly the first time we try. Over the years, businesses have conducted experiments, and their observations of the outcome have led to their business models. The same process must take place with radical financial innovations that transform our economy. We must begin with various small experiments” (p. 272).

He explicitly says he would describe “how such ideas can realistically be developed and implemented” (p. 2). He successfully develops principles of macro securities and some key features of macro markets like “democratization of finance” but hardly shows how to implement them, in my opinion. I infer he believes that “various small experiments” are not just inevitably present in implementing the new financial order, but they are his implementation strategy because there is no well-defined “theoretical model of risks and of moral hazard.” An epilogue titled, “A Model of Radical Financial Innovation,” further elaborates on how to make risks more obvious, to more clearly define them, and to experiment with them (pp. 269-276), but this is still not an implementation strategy.

The weakness and strength, respectively, of The New Financial Order are that it is an excellent, relatively relatively comprehensive vision of how to design six potential instruments of the first-generation new financial order, without a draft blueprint for launching it. His six ideas are six mostly unrelated, but nonetheless compelling, characters in search of the same play.

To guide implementation, however, he should have ranked the six ideas, picked the top one or two, and then summarized the why, when, where, who, how, and next steps to commercialize them with at least as much detail that he provided to develop them. Which macro markets should be implemented first and why? Reasonable people can disagree, but I suggest starting with Medicare, followed closely by Social Security for two reasons.

First, the missing “theoretical model of risks and moral hazard” quoted above will be developed in proposals to use derivatives to finance, hedge, and reduce the costs of intermediated social insurance programs. Second, Medicare, Social Security, and other social insurance programs are easily cross-hedged in a few rather than many derivatives because their tax and/or benefits cash flows are usually highly correlated.

The launch of health and pension macro markets could be based on the auction, secondary, and government securities derivatives markets that exist today, thus capturing the benefits of the greatest single success and most widely understood application of modern financial risk management. Government securities derivatives have traded in the United States since the 1970s and are now supported worldwide by many national governments. From current government securities derivatives markets it is one step up to hedging GDP and related aggregates, one step down to hedging social insurance programs, and two steps down to hedging individual risks with macro securities and/or other long-dated derivatives.

 

 

Review by James A. Hayes, Albuquerque, New Mexico